Modern state legislatures in the United States trace their ancestry back to their colonial forebears and have a rich history. There has been a shift of power in state governments from Republican leadership since the 2010 elections when Democrats last gained a significant number of seats and authority over numerous legislatures (Squire & Moncrief, 2019). Moreover, while the election resulted in a hung Congress, it left a large number of states with unified governments. Therefore, while Washington, D.C., is likely to remain in a stalemate, state governments under Republican leadership will pass conservative policies, and those under Democrat leadership will adopt liberal policies. Thus, it has always been the case that knowing how state legislatures function is crucial to comprehend the inner workings of American politics. It is critical to address a variety of factors inherent in the internal organization of states due to the ever-changing nature of the legislative environment in the fifty state capitals. Hence, this paper aims to compare and contrast two state legislatures, those of Texas and Connecticut, taking a plethora of different features, methods, and issues into account.
Connecticut, one of the original 13 colonies, was crucial to the growth and establishment of the United States (U.S.News, 2019). The Hartford Courant, the oldest continually published newspaper in the United States, was a leading advocate for the revolutionary cause during the American Revolution and the Republican Party throughout Lincoln’s presidency (U.S.News, 2019). Each of the fifty states has its own government with functions similar to those of the federal government. Governors are elected to fill the role of chief executive, and to that of Congress, state legislatures are accountable. It is important to note that each state also has its own judicial system, with its highest court being equivalent to the United States Supreme Court. The names of the legislatures themselves, like the Connecticut General Assembly and the Texas Legislature, reveal an intriguing contrast. Given the vast disparity in state size, legislation, and ruling parties narrowing the scope of this paper to just those two is, therefore, practical, engaging, and informative.
Despite Democrats’ claims that criminal justice reform and racial equity will undergo pivotal changes, legislators have yet to approve free phone services for convicts in Connecticut. Governor Lamont’s “clean slate” efforts include testing and treating convicts for hepatitis C, hiring up to 170 more sheriff’s deputies, reducing the cost of prison phone calls, and expunging some misdemeanor records after seven years (Hamad & Keating, 2021). However, efforts to delete records are excluded in situations of domestic violence and sexual assault. The law is meant to help many formerly incarcerated persons, such as those who have trouble finding work or renting accommodation. The governor has stated that under this law, individuals who have been convicted of a crime will have their records expunged after a specified amount of time (NBC Connecticut, 2021). They will not need to submit a pardon request or show up for a hearing with the Board. As part of a more considerable effort to overhaul the criminal justice system in the state of Connecticut, activists are also calling for the abolition of solitary confinement.
The high number of abandoned buildings in Connecticut is a serious problem that limits available land for new businesses and regional development. Recently, Governor Lamont announced that the state of Connecticut would provide $24.6 million to restore 41 abandoned buildings across the state (State of Connecticut, 2022). The expenses incurred to evaluate and clean up 41 abandoned lots in 16 municipalities around the state of Connecticut will be put to good use once again (State of Connecticut, 2022). Capital investment equal to several times these state grants will be generated as a result of cleaning up and reusing dilapidated sites that have been abandoned for decades. These expenditures are wise since they will increase activity, increase accessibility to homes, and stimulate business expansion. The Governor is personally invested in finding a solution by maintaining leadership of the state’s successful Brownfield Remediation and Development Programs.
Even the most affluent communities in Connecticut have been unable to build more reasonably priced homes due to stringent zoning laws and limited funding. Connecticut Governor Lamont and Housing Commissioner Seila Mosquera-Bruno recently stated the distribution of $13.4 million in grants to finance the restoration and rehabilitation of medium- and low-income housing across the state (State of Connecticut, 2022). Suitable projects under this “Small Cities program” must be located in a municipality with a census of 50,000 or fewer (State of Connecticut, 2022). For instance, one way that the state of Connecticut plans to make housing more accessible for its citizens is by transforming a community center into two-bedroom apartment units. A domestic abuse center will be updated, resources for the most marginalized members of the community will be improved, and new and existing jobs will be secured as a result of these grants.
The Connecticut General Assembly is the official name of the state legislature of Connecticut. Both the lower Connecticut House of Representatives, with 151 members, and the upper Connecticut State Senate, with 36 members, make up the Connecticut General Assembly (Connecticut General Assembly, n.d.). Its sessions are held in Hartford, the state capital. The General Assembly meets from February through May in even-numbered years. The session is held from January to June in odd-numbered years to allow for the completion of the state budget (Connecticut General Assembly, n.d.). There are no limits on how many times a person can serve as a member of the General Assembly, but all members serve two-year terms (Connecticut General Assembly, n.d.). The Connecticut General Assembly has a reputation for being relatively centrist, like most New England legislatures. Democrats dominate in representation in more populous and wealthier places, whereas Republicans are more common in more rural and poorer areas. The Connecticut General Assembly is well-regarded nationally for its bipartisanship and collegiality.
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​​The governor of a state is the head of the state’s executive branch and is charged with carrying out the law and managing the department. As heads of state, governors push for and implement new and altered policies and programs through a variety of channels, including executive orders, executive budgeting, and legislative initiatives and vetoes. Edward Miner “Ned” Lamont, Jr. became the 89th governor of Connecticut on January 9, 2019 (National Governors Association, 2022). His current term started on January 9, 2019, and it is still in effect as of this writing (National Governors Association, 2022). A Democrat and a Harvard and Yale alum, Lamont is a highly qualified political representative.
Austin, Texas, is home to the State Capitol building, where laws are passed. According to the Texas State Historical Association (TSHA), the Texas legislature is the main branch of state authority (May, 2021). The Texas State Senate serves as the upper chamber, while the Texas House of Representatives serves as the lower house. There are 150 representatives in the Texas House, and their terms last two years (Texas House of Representatives, n.d). When in Regular Session, the Texas Legislature convenes for roughly five months every other year. A regular session of Congress begins on the second Tuesday of January on odd-numbered years and may run no longer than 140 days, concluding in the last week of May or the first week of June (Texas House of Representatives, n.d). The Governor can call special sessions, which can run for up to 30 days. It is a hat trick of Republicans for Texas, as the state’s executive and legislative branches are both run by Republicans.
It is critical to determine if potential voters lean Republican, Democratic, or independent. It is common practice to follow up with independents by asking if they have a Republican or Democratic-leaning. A gauge of the political strength of the two parties can be obtained by adding the percentages of those who identify with each party and those who lean toward either of them. Only 32% of residents in Connecticut identify as Republicans, whereas 50% identify as Democrats, and the remaining 18% do not lean toward any (Pew Research Center, 2022). Democrats hold both the trifecta and triplex in Connecticut’s senate. The state’s executive, legislative, and judicial branches are all held by members of the Democratic Party as well. Thereby, Democrats in Connecticut are fighting for their ideals and holding Republicans accountable, as well as campaigning to win every office at the state and municipal level.
Party affiliation in Texas is less consistent than in Connecticut because of the state’s shifting population. Even though Texas has a long history of Republican dominance, just 39% of current residents identify as Republicans, while 40% identify as Democrats and 21% are undecided (Pew Research Center, 2022b). Despite the state’s shifting demographics, Republicans remain the dominant political party in Texas. Regardless of numerous attempts to make Texas democratic, Democrats have not won a major election there in decades. According to the most recent data available, Texas Republicans have raised three times as much money as Texas Democrats (Goodwyn, 2022). Therefore, when it comes to Republican strength, there is no state stronger than Texas. Considering statewide offices and legislative powers in the Texas State Senate, State House, and State Board of Education, the residents of Texas have clearly spoken, giving Republican candidates their votes every time. Concerning the major problem, the topic at hand is whether or not to carry on the cultural conservatism and small government that have long been hallmarks of the Lone Star State.
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Requirements for voting in both states include being a United States citizen, a state resident, and at least 18 years old on the day of the election. In addition, if one has been convicted of a felony but has fulfilled their time in prison or on parole, one can file an appeal to have voting rights reinstated (CBIA, 2022). However, Texas law goes beyond what is required in Connecticut by also requiring that one has not been pronounced wholly or partially mentally incapable by a court with probate jurisdiction (Office of the Texas Secretary of State, n.d). A second distinction is that while a voter in Texas must be a resident of the county in which he or she is registering to vote, there are no counties in Connecticut (Office of the Texas Secretary of State, n.d). Voter registration in either state should always reflect the most up-to-date residential address.
Voting is a cornerstone of a democratic society, but recent patterns in voter turnout across states are discouraging. Hence, in terms of voter participation, major cities in Connecticut saw a decline. Governor Ned Lamont, who was re-elected, did better than in 2018 in Connecticut’s suburbs and along the coast, but he did far worse in the state’s big cities due to lower turnout (CT Mirror, 2022). In New Haven, for instance, Lamont’s victory margin shrank from roughly 23,000 in 2018 to about 13,000 in 2022, a loss of around 44% (CT Mirror, 2022). In a similar vein, fewer than half of registered voters in Texas showed up to the polls for the midterm elections, continuing a trend of demonstrating a lackluster interest in politics. Out of a total of 17,672,143 eligible voters in the state, 8,032,438 cast ballots either in person or via the mail (Aguilar, 2022). Low turnout occurred despite several elevated contests, such as those for governor, lieutenant governor, and attorney general in Texas.
Both states could learn from the other’s successes and policies. More than 270 potentially dangerous chemicals were discovered in local drinking water around the country, including in Connecticut, according to a recently published analysis (Scinto, 2019). Thus, similar to Texas, Connecticut would benefit from establishing a body responsible for water management and stewardship. The Texas Water Conservation Association (TWCA) is a nonprofit group of water experts and groups with the goal of advancing responsible water policy in Lone Star State. For example, it is mandated by House Bill 2225 to promote and assist the commission of water rights in the Texas Water Trust and to manage the rights in a way that maximizes environmental benefits (Kirkle et al., 2021). Similarly, Texas is experiencing a shortage of affordable housing, with only 29 rental units available for every 100 extremely low-income tenants (Donith, 2022). Therefore, it would be extremely helpful to keep up the momentum initiated by Governor Lamont through measures like the “Small Cities” program.
Poor public interest is a problem for every state legislature. In most cases, constituents only take notice of their actions when the media spotlights some outrageous or irrelevant aspect of those actions. In spite of this, state legislators’ actions have far-reaching effects on every facet of American life, from the taxes they pay to the quality of their schools and the safety of their highways and neighborhoods. Understanding state legislatures and the people who serve in them is crucial owing to the significance of the policies they enact. Hence, this paper is an effort to compare and contrast the state legislatures of Texas and Connecticut. The major distinctions are in the governing parties, the issues, the level of voter participation, and the prerequisites for casting a ballot. It was also concluded that the two states might collaborate on efforts such as water purification and low-cost housing.
References
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Goodwyn, W. (2022). Republicans dominate Texas politics despite the state’s changing demographics. NPR.Org. Web.
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