Introduction
The UAE has aligned itself in pursuing a proactive and dynamic role in defining and protecting the interest of the nation and gulf region. For the past decade, United Arab Emirates (UAE) federation has become a prominent player in dramatic regional developments. Since the establishment of the federation in 1971, the UAE has undergone various changes in its foreign and national security policy. This aspect has been pushed by different internal political calculus, regional developments, and personalities of other federation leaders. The UAE has actively taken part in different deployments; in 2011, it ousted the regime of Muammar al-Qaddafi in Libya through its support to rebel leader Khalifa Haftar. In 2014, the UAE also participated in the American-led intervention in Syria against the ISIL. In 2015, the UAE joined Saudi Arabia through a coalition involving nine countries from Southwest Asia and North Africa nations to support Yemen President after the Houthi rebels ousted him (Shoaib, 2018). In possession of a tiny landmass and population with which to defend it and immerse resources within the highly volatile and unstable middle east, the UAE is forced effectively strategize. The federation has slowly and systematically developed a proactive strategy that involves partnerships with key international and regional allies to ensure stability and security.
This study scrutinizes the growth of the UAE’s national security strategy from the creation of the federation to the present day. The study attempts to summarize, contextualize and encapsulate the policy growth and aims of one of the most significant and vigorously budding powers within the Gulf region and the broader Middle East. The study’s implications will be essential in understanding the UAE security approach and the nation’s preparation for the post-oil era and security self-reliance (Shoaib, 2018). This topic is also important because the system that has been adopted in this country is one of the most advanced and is a good example for inheritance. In the case of building their strategies, each country must rely on the examples of other countries, which is the case here. Among the main features that security strategies have in place is their value policy to the history and culture of their state.
The UAE in many cases relies precisely on the cultural patrimony of the country and considers any problematic situation that may have arisen during an investigation or study from the perspective of how it is spelled out in the nation’s cultural code. In addition, every citizen, even foreigners, should have an understanding of UAE culture in order to avoid getting into a problematic situation as they stay in the country (Shoaib, 2018). This approach has been called cruel and fundamentally wrong by many, but through this approach the UAE has remained true to its culture and thus has one of the best regions in which to live and do business.
If one looks at the UAE’s policy, there are several features that distinguish it from what is generally accepted. It differs not only in the context of the security structure but also in other aspects, such as national or regional. Therefore, in writing this paper, the focus was not only on comparing the security system itself but also on conducting a comparative analysis with other countries in the context of the protection of national dignity and other essential attributes of ethnicity.
Regional Security Complex Theory
The security policies of Arab Gulf governments historically had nothing to do with acquiring more influence in the world arena. Instead, they adopted cautious, neutral policies under the auspices of U.S. security, and they lacked many domestic defence resources. However, during the last ten years, this has radically changed with shifting alliances in the regional balance of power, the perceived decrease in American hegemony, and the growth of non-state solid actors’ signs of a transitional phase in the existing system (Grabowski, 2020). These changes have changed regional politics from a system built around and opposed to a security architecture governed by the U.S. into a multipolar system devoid of rules, institutions, or balancing mechanisms to prevent conflict and use force. The Arab Gulf States have moved onto assertive and competing power plays that are profoundly reshaping the conduct of international relations within the Gulf region.
This change indicates that Gulf nations have interfered throughout the MEA and formed new alliances with local powers in a bid for regional dominance due to their views of security concerns, which have become more restricted in nature and linked to neighbouring governments’ capabilities. As Middle Eastern governments take on more significant responsibility in their security environment to protect and enforce their interests, regionalist methods have acquired increased favour in the post-Cold War security architecture (Grabowski, 2020). Such a regionalist perspective aids in examining the influences of internal, regional, and global dynamics on the behavior, decision-making, and reformulated foreign policy of Gulf states, notably the UAE. The Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) analyzes the balance of power, interdependence in terms of security, and interactions between regional nations to study states’ strength from a regional viewpoint (Grabowski, 2020). According to this hypothesis, securitization processes are more intensive between players inside the security complex than with global powers outside it. The reason is that nations are primarily concerned with the capabilities and intentions of their neighbors. The RSCT framework helps balance several levels of study and examines the interactions between the global system, regional structure, and local environment. The framework makes it possible to see how changes at these many levels led the UAE to formulate its foreign policy agenda in a particular manner.
The main role played by these features is to introduce UAE culture to the rest of the world, and thereby respect the ethnicity of this country. This security approach helps to gently impose the culture on other inhabitants. It is important to have a full understanding of and respect for the national characteristics of other countries, which the UAE has done well by its own example. The Middle East’s ongoing volatility and hostile environment have influenced the development of the contemporary United Arab Emirates and led to a gradual expansion of its foreign policy. The UAE has impressively changed its foreign policy over the past 50 years in response to changes in the regional and global order, with MbZ playing a crucial part in this process (Samaan, 2020). To preserve internal security in a dangerous area, safeguard commerce, and increase regional influence, the UAE has grown more forceful and active than ever. Given these adjustments, a couple of factors contributed to the transformation of the UAE’s foreign policy behavior. These significant factors include, UAE Social Contract and National Identity regional instability, the UAE leadership, regional partnerships and duties and rise as a regional power and strategic events within the Gulf region and the world.
Despite the expansion of its sphere of influence and territory, the UAE’s culture has remained the same, and other countries should give it enough respect and accept it as it is. This demonstrates the hospitality and ability to take another’s culture. In this way, the country’s ethnic heritage is safe without necessarily being imposed on the masses. It also demonstrates that each country’s culture is essential and requires special treatment by guests (Samman, 2022). Perhaps some of the steps taken by the UAE in the past may be considered controversial and not the most advanced, but only the country itself can change them without trying to demonstrate the flip side of the law.
Regional Partnerships and Duties
The UAE’s partnership with Saudi Arabia is anchored on its national security strategy. While many reviews of the UAE security doctrine focus on the undeniably crucial ties with Washington, links with Riyadh are even more fundamental for the UAE. This phenomenon was essential, especially in the post-Arab spring era, where regional instability heightened rivalry with Iran. The two allies jointly led a military campaign in Yemen which represented one of the most ambitious undertakings for the two allies. Both joined the GCC in 2014 and 2015 to cement their commitment to developing a joint military command. However, UAE has established a cut point at which it aims to take its partnership with Saudi Arabia. In 2011 and 2012, together with other GCCA members apart from Bahrain, they agreed to express discontent about a Saudi proposal (Salisbury, 2020). This proposal was tailored to politically integrate the GCC members into a new and closer political confederation. The UAE plans to not only politically but also militarily disembark itself from cooperating with Saudi Arabia. The UAE’s goals to attain complete political and military unity from foreign powers make the cornerstone of the UAE national security strategy.
One major factor that shapes the foreign policy of the UAE on national security strategies includes the nation’s increasing role in regional matters. The UAE has increasingly grown to employ military force, among other tools such as soft power, to promote its interests. This approach is evident in its interventions in Yemen, led by Saudi Arabia, while in union with UAE. The federation has been employing troops in different regions, such as Libya, in Syria, while fighting against ISIL (Salisbury, 2020). The increasing self-reliance in security matters brings opportunities and risks to the U.S. The transformation to self-reliance realizes the U.S. ambitions to ensure that their allies can adequately secure themselves without relying on Washington. This phenomenon also presents a risk to the U.S. as the military autonomy of the UAE indicates that the UAE can make independent decisions beyond the influence of the U.S.
Rise as a Regional Power
The United Arab Emirates did not participate in any significant military operations in the region following its formation in 1971. The federation’s armed forces advanced gradually and focused primarily on the most fundamental aspects of national security. In the 1970s and 1980s, Israel and Iran were frequently viewed as the primary security threats by Arab strategic thinking, especially in the Gulf region (Guéraiche & Alexander, 2022). The UAE’s disagreement with Iran over the three Gulf Islands served to emphasize that Iran posed the UAE’s primary security threat. Shortly after, the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 complicated this reasoning (Fulton, 2021). During Iraq’s 1980s conflict with Iran, the UAE and the other GCC members strongly backed Iraq. Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq was a crucial buffer against Iranian threats like direct aggression, proxies, and destabilization. However, following the invasion of Kuwait, this viewpoint was fundamentally altered on multiple occasions, and the notion of an exclusive reliance on support from outside sources was questioned (Guéraiche & Alexander, 2022). In the U.S.-led Operation Desert Storm, which drove Iraqi occupation forces out of Kuwait in January and February 1991, the UAE participated with a smaller number of ground and air forces.
The United Arab Emirates began a military development program following Desert Storm that has continued and grown stronger ever since. The primary driving force behind this effort was MbZ. In addition, the country’s military participation in international coalitions led by the United States increased in various conflicts, including those in Somalia in 1992, the Balkans in the late 1990s, Afghanistan in 2003, and the cooperation against ISIL in 2014. During the U.S.-led 2011 war in Libya to overthrow Muammar al-regime Qaddafi, the UAE also contributed six F-16S and six Mirage fighter jets to NATO’s effort to establish a no-fly zone and attack regime assets (Salisbury, 2020). While many observers have speculated that participation in these coalition efforts was designed primarily to increase military ties with the United States and gain more influence in Washington, it is increasingly evident that there has been a conscious effort on the part of the UAE’s political and military leadership to prepare the country for more excellent independent military capability and position it to play a much more prominent regional role.
Despite its relatively small territory and population, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been growing as a hard power and soft power player in the Middle East since 2011 (Bilgin, 2019). Ulrichsen makes a convincing case that two factors “eroded many of the constraints hitherto imposed on ‘small states,'” which coincided with the UAE’s shift toward more excellent power projection in the 2000s and beyond, began to demonstrate these policies’ effectiveness in 2011” (Al-Rawashdeh, 2019). The emergence of the multiple poles of geo-economic gravity and centers of influence,” which “opened up new possibilities for new coalitions of states,” is the first one.” Innovations in information and communication technologies,” which “created opportunities for new actors to steak an international role disproportionate to their geographical or population size,” is the second category. The global economic crisis is connected to these two developments. Another factor that contributed to the unlikely rise of the United Arab Emirates to prominence in the Gulf region and beyond was the growing leadership gap in the Arab world, particularly after 2011.
Strategic Events Within the Gulf Region and The World
The commitment to follow a more independent and proactive national security strategy derives mainly from two significant events after the early alarms of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. According to Shoaib et al., (2018) the 9/11 terrorist attacks against the United States, the eruption in 2011 of the Arab Spring, and the subsequent destabilization of much of the Middle East. Both developments, in different ways, were observed with profound apprehension by the UAE leadership and strategic decision-making circles and emphasized probable national susceptibilities to terrorism and regional and even internal political destabilization. These three watersheds; the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, 9/11, and the Arab Spring – shaped the contours of present-day Emirati national security strategy. By defining core threats, the country believes they must be overcome; external aggression from central neighbors, radical Islamist terrorism, and domestic unrest. These threats are not mutually exclusive, and multiple nightmare scenarios can involve numerous threats at the same time.
Unlike the Saudis and some of their neighbors, who suffered a brief denial phase after the 9/11 attacks, UAE leaders immediately saw al-Qaeda and affiliated groups as a dangerous concern to their security. Particularly given that a third hijacker resided in the UAE and two hijackers were Emiratis. Terrorist strikes inside the kingdom in 2003 served as the final nail for Saudi Arabia concerning comprehending the direct threat that al-Qaeda constituted to its domestic security (Ibish, 2017). The UAE was one of only three nations to grant diplomatic recognition to the Afghan Taliban regime; nevertheless, the UAE proceeded even faster than its Saudi allies to sever these ties after the 9/11 attacks. The UAE was the first to cut diplomatic relations with Kabul on September 22, 2001, in response to the Taliban’s defiance of international calls for Osama bin Laden to be returned for “a fair international trial.” Three days later, Saudi Arabia used a similar strategy to sever links with the Taliban, but it didn’t specifically reference bin Laden in its statement. This aspect is one of the few instances where the UAE has advanced beyond its conventionally powerful Saudi partner.
Several initiatives in the UAE to prevent extremism and radicalization were also prompted by the 9/11 events. The Ministry of Education thoroughly revised the curriculum in the spring of 2002 to eliminate the promotion of radical ideologies. Despite criticism that its measures were “un-Islamic,” the administration persisted with them. 170 Muslim Brotherhood members, including 83 Ministry of Education employees, were expelled from the UAE in 2003 as part of an anti-Islamist campaign and an effort to curb extremism (Guéraiche & Alexander, 2022). Based on their affiliations with Islamist organizations or for being a part of an underground movement in the UAE attempting to advance their agenda,” hundreds of professors, educators, and ministry personnel were fired in 2006.
In contrast to some of its partners and neighbors, the United Arab Emirates does not distinguish between groups that engage in violence, groups that merely promote elements of Islamist ideology, or more or less extreme radical Islamists. The Gulf Arab states were increasingly bearing the total weight of Sunni Arab leadership in a chaotic region due to the departure of the Egyptian administration in the Arab world, the fragmentation of Iraq, and the exclusion of Syria, which supported Iran. With Syria firmly in Tehran’s camp, Iraq in chaos, and Egypt otherwise occupied, Iran’s rise to regional power appeared unstoppable (Guéraiche & Alexander, 2022). Last but not least, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates expressed their outrage at Washington’s apparent abandonment of Mubarak, a long-term ally of the Arab world. They had significantly less faith in Washington’s dependability and tenacity.
This plan also had the dual purpose of starting the process of coming up with alternatives to relying solely on Washington’s protection or, if required, of working to mend their ties with Washington. Not all Gulf Arab countries favored this agenda; Qatar, which has long sponsored the Muslim Brotherhood, viewed the Arab Spring as an opportunity to advance its Islamist clients. The plan was essential for Qatar to ride a “green tsunami” of popularity and rise to power across most of the Middle East. Although relations between Qatar and Saudi Arabia have improved recently, the UAE’s cooperation with Riyadh to further these objectives remains the main objective of Emirati strategic planning.
Empirical Analysis of the Role of Key National, Regional and International Actors Gulf Leaders
The development of the UAE security strategy is backed by key figures and actions not only at the national level but also regional and international. Since the inception of the UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan al-Nahyan the architect and first president of the federation, has spearheaded the federation’s international relations. The foreign policy approach adopted by Sheikh Zayed was made up of a mix of pragmatism and idealism. After the formation of the union, it had a relatively weaker military than its neighbors. The kingdom’s vulnerability was evident in the Iran-Iraq war, as well as the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq in 1990 (Al-Rawashdeh, 2019). The federation, whose trade heavily relies on maritime movement, exposed the nation’s vulnerability to regional conflict. This aspect was again depicted in 2019 following a series of attacks on ships off the UAE coast allegedly spearheaded by Iran. Owing to the vulnerability of the nation, Sheikh Zayed, along with the Kuwait emir, argued for the development of a doctrine of mediation over conflict and multilateralism. This union led to the formation of the GCC in 1981.
The Sheikh Zayed led UAE in joining other gulf nations like Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Oman in 1981 to establish the GCC. Different reasons made the Sheikh to lobby the emirates to unite and stand together within the volatile regional union, including family ties, geographical contiguity, standard histories, cultural affinities, and shared political, economic, and security interests (Ibish, 2017). Some of the fundamental strategic goals for the GCC include maintaining regional stability and international order to ensure that the status quo is maintained.
If one looks at the result of empirical analysis, we can see that countries, although they are somewhat dismissive of the UAE’s cultural peculiarities, nevertheless accept them. This is in the sense that this country is one of the richest in the world, and close ties are beneficial to each of the states. Since the UAE places excellent emphasis on ethnicity and tradition, cultural sensitivity and its rules are necessary for further cooperation.
In addition to trade and economic relations, the UAE is also actively developing the sphere of tourism and recreation. This state is one of the youngest in the world, which allows you to count on cultural buildings in the style of modernism, which use an innovative approach to creation. One of the brightest examples is Burj Khalifa, the largest building in the world. It is attractive not only because of its size but also because of its appearance and the landscape from the top floor (Pinar Bilgin, 2019). Such facilities attract tourists from all over the world, who, before the trip, should familiarize themselves with the rules of stay in the country. In addition to the legal point of view, it also spreads the cultural features of the UAE far beyond the borders of the state itself.
This study emphasizes that a dynamic analysis of these factors is necessary to capture the changes and continuity in Emirati foreign policy and comprehend such changes’ nature, sources, and consequences. This aspect is done without diminishing the significance of these moments in Emirati political history. Even if the static theory is simpler to demonstrate, it is inadequate, reductive, and sometimes out of date when it comes to explaining how the Emirati state authority has changed and how its foreign policy has been reformulated towards addressing security challenges facing the federation.
Future Prognosis of The Regional and International Contexts
Tensions hampered the formulation of a compelling foreign strategy following the passing of Sheikh Zayed in 2004. Vice-President Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, who led Dubai by 2000 and had become an important trade center, decided to pursue an independent foreign policy. The ascent of the present crown prince of Abu Dhabi, Mohammed bin Zayed, is directly related to the recent trend toward a more assertive and unified attitude toward external affairs (Pinar Bilgin, 2019). The UAE is currently evaluating its foreign policy goals to strengthen its international business alliances and ensure long-term political and security stability. This effort is supported by shifting away from forceful military actions and proxy politics toward diplomacy and communication.
Regarding the Regional and International Contexts, the national security of the UAE has several consequences for the country’s future. The Middle East presents several security issues for the United Arab Emirates, which calls for international cooperation. Iranian threats and power in the Middle East are currently the UAE’s two most significant security risks (Pinar Bilgin, 2019). These are regions, mainly in Iranian-influenced Arab nations, including Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon. The UAE’s attempts to prepare for a future without oil may be seen in eliminating threats from terrorist organizations, political Islam in the area, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, and economic threats. The UAE established diplomatic ties with Israel in 2020, making it the first Gulf nation to do so (Fulton & Yellinek, 2021). The UAE wants to normalize relations with Israel to confront challenges from Iran and the region. The Abraham Accords has both economic and future security implications for the country.
The federation’s long-term strategy, which was established on the orders of H. H. Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the UAE, will direct the growth of the country by identifying the needs and challenges of the future, addressing them through effective long-term plans, and successfully utilizing new opportunities for all-round development. The three fundamental elements that support the UAE Strategy are: Establishing strategic priorities for the future and creating a new operational model for the government (Ministry of Cabinet Affairs, News 2022). Additionally, it includes strengthening national capability in all required activities to be completed within deadlines. Future-focused scientific studies will be the basis for all plans, initiatives, and policies.
Conclusion
The UAE federation, since its establishment, has undergone tremendous changes within its approach to foreign policy. For decades the UAE has developed significant relationships with more extensive and powerful foreign nations like Saudi Arabia to boost their security and trade. The national security strategy adopted by the UAE has primarily been influenced by regional security within the gulf region, UAE leadership, the nation’s social contract, national identity, and the federation’s rise to regional power. Following the spring of various territorial conflicts, the war by Iraq, and the spring of Islamic revolution and radicalization, UAE adopted a more proactive national security strategy. The federation has been able to cooperate with other gulf nations to develop a unified defense pact to enhance regional security (Guéraiche & Alexander, 2022). The UAE has sent troops and fighter jets in its commitment to support regional security forces in a bid to ensure that war does not spread to its territory. The UAE has significantly reduced its reliance on the U.S. and Saudi Arabia for national security as it aims to grow its military capabilities to ensure its decision-making autonomy.
The UAE national security strategy has also been influenced by the nation’s social contract and national identity. As the federation transforms into a business hub, it has led to a massive influx of expatriates in the region. The expatriate population has grown to surpass the national population, thereby calling for strict policies to curb any security threat that might result due to the varying demographics. In its foreign policy, the UAE strives to improve national cohesion by developing school curricula that promote religious tolerance and gender equity and eradicate radicalism. The UAE also seeks to enhance its national identity through different programs aiming to improve nationalism and readiness to protect the nation from external aggressors.
The implications of the Islamic revolution and radicalism have led to the downfall of most of the gulf region’s powerful nations. This situation has prompted the UAE to change its policy to alleviate some of the factors leading to the decline of the gulf Arab nations and fill the leadership gap left after the fall. To ensure that the federation adequately complements Saudi Arabia, the UAE has embarked on political and military leadership. The goal of this endeavor is to position the nation to play a considerably more significant role in regional security and to prepare it for greater excellence in independent military capacity. As the federation continues to recover post the COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, it is imperative to aim at policies that improve relations with neighbors and the international community. The approach for the nation should be centered on improving communication by establishing links with different global organizations. Additionally, the state can embark on policies that expand diplomatic and mediation efforts within international circles and avoid confrontations. These policy recommendations are likely to improve the nation’s security, spur its economy, and boost its global identity as a powerful player in ensuring peace. As technology remains significant in trade, social services, and security, the UAE must shape its national security strategy towards adopting and using technology.
The 1979 Iranian Revolution was the leading cause for the formation of the GCC. This situation indicated that the most powerful nation within the gulf region was no longer part of the U.S.-led pro-western camp within the middle east, gulf nations, and the rest of the world. Iraq’s size, power, and territorial claims have made the Gulf Arab nations treat the country with many suspicions. Iraq has had territorial claims on Bahrain and three other islands, which it has been consenting with the UAE. Additionally, Gulf countries saw Iraq’s character as a Persian, non-Arab, and Shia power as a risk. Sheikh Zayed feared that Iraq is determined to spread, influence, and impose its hegemony within the middle east, especially within the gulf region. This ideology is seen to be advanced through the exportation of its revolution, promotion, and exploitation of conflict through establishing and supporting militias and non-state actors. The cornerstone of the UAE’s foreign policy and national security strategy is shaped by its leaders’ commitment to the Gulf Cooperation Council.
Most crises within the modern Arab state result from the prevalence of subnational identities, pan-Arab ideologies, Islamist ideologies, and supranational affiliation. The ability of a country to be effective in its capability to mobilize its citizens-based military forces to fight and sacrifice for their nation depends on various issues. The people must primarily identify themselves as Emirati instead of a specific emirate or ideology (Samaan, 2022). The UAE ministry of culture, Youth, and Community Development is mainly inclined towards enhancing a national identity. To promote national identity, the ministry primarily targets the youth through various programs like annual conferences on the subject, cultural initiatives, and festivals.
The commitment to developing a hegemonic UAE national identity, as well as curtailing any potentially competing sub and supra-national links, is understood by the Emirate authorities as critical. The commitment is paramount for the development of the national security strategy. As budgets continue to tighten among the oil-producing countries, it poses a threat to the nations as they struggle to meet the aspirations of their nationals, expatriates, and generations born and raised within the UAE (Guéraiche & Alexander, 2022). One significant long-term political, social and national security challenge for the UAE has been maintaining the nation’s vital national interest with a minimal citizenry.
The federation needs to develop policies that will spur technological breakthroughs in different fields such as defense, education, health, and commerce. Today, data and information have become critical weapons to influence the population to the desired interest. To ensure that the UAE is secure from fake news, misinformation, and biasness, it is crucial for the government to develop a safer, safer environment where its nationals can use the internet productively. Internet warfare today is a significant risk to the security of the UAE compared to military warfare.
The United Arab Emirates intends to invest in and transfer Israeli innovations to the UAE through mutual agreements through the Abraham Accords. Israel is one of the bridges to the US economy and advanced technologies, as the UAE has learned. Israel might be the most excellent choice if the UAE wants to eventually establish an oil-free economy because it is actively pursuing a multilateralization policy. Events in international policy prompted the introduction of investment plans. The fact that such plans need a lot of work, money, and time suggests that the UAE may not be as assertive in its foreign policy as in the past. The UAE, the second-largest economy in the Middle East, would adopt policies that promote the economy and business, leading to competition and strengthened neighborly connections in the future Gulf. This aspect is a critical issue worth emphasizing.
It is difficult to predict what will happen in the future if such a policy continues. On the one hand, the method of cultural isolationism has existed for many years, and in all that time, it has succeeded. Many states have condemned the UAE’s policy because it does not meet international standards of equality and freedom of thought and action. On the other hand, despite the harsh parameters of the cultural influence policy, residents are on an equal footing with travelers and are not considered higher or lower in the hierarchy. In addition, European states, in many ways, have many similar cultural traits that differ significantly from those of other states.
If we conventionally assume a rejection of values and give travelers the right to express their thoughts and actions, this can have a negative impact on accepted standards. The UAE has lived by the principles it has imposed for centuries, and such a move could affect sentiments within the country. Residents honor their culture and demand respect for it and for other people who are guests. This kind of treatment of others should be equal and should be based on cultural sensitivities. Therefore, respect for cultural values must be respected because if the accepted order of things is disrupted, it will lead to irreparable consequences in the future.
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