Introduction
The policing system of the United States has been criticized for a long time, with the public’s complaints rising after the murder of George Floyd. In 2020, Floyd was confronted by police officers (POs) for a counterfeit twenty-dollar bill (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023; Kramer & Remster, 2022). One of the POs pinned Floyd to the pavement and kneeled on his neck for several minutes while Floyd was crying about not being able to breathe and begging for air. The actions of the PO led to Floyd’s death (Brewster, 2023; Kramer & Remster, 2022).
The incident has sparked demonstrations across the U.S., with the tests being the largest and most diverse in the nation’s history, and facing aggressive police responses (Kramer & Remster, 2022). The story of George Floyd has brought attention to many deficiencies in police work, which should be addressed to prevent further injustice. The current policing system (PS) in the U.S. needs considerable change to better serve and protect all communities since contemporary law enforcement expresses racism, misuses force, and lacks accountability.
Racism
The U.S. PS should be transformed to reflect the effects produced by systemic racism in the U.S. criminal legal system. The statistics on racial disparities in policing indicate a considerable difference in the treatment of white people compared to those of color by the police. For example, black men are almost two-and-a-half times more likely to be killed by POs than non-Hispanic white males. Although women are at a lower risk than men, black female individuals are at a greater danger than other women, which suggests the persistence of racial discrimination (Kramer & Remster, 2022).
Another illustration of systemic racism is racial profiling practiced across PS. For instance, black Americans have experienced mass criminalization. They are likely to be targeted more than the rest of the nation due to proactive policing and the country’s punitive turn. Moreover, racial profiling can impact urban communities by targeting certain individuals more than others since fines generated by PS significantly contribute to city budgets (Kramer & Remster, 2022). Consequently, PS should be changed since it exhibits racism and disproportionately criminalizes people.
Furthermore, it is meaningful to explore specific examples that demonstrate the need for reform in light of PS’s racism. The case of George Floyd, who was a black person, is potentially among the most illustrative ones, but there have been more incidents. For instance, Rodney King was also a black individual who experienced police cruelty as he was brutally beaten by POs in Los Angeles (Brewster, 2023). In Ferguson, Missouri, Darren Wilson, a police officer, shot and killed Michael Brown, who was unarmed and black (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023).
Nonetheless, the black population is not the only one discriminated against by PS. For example, immigrants from Mexico who come to the U.S. to work legally have complained of being targets of racial profiling. Notably, it appears that such practices are common even in communities where POs are representative of the mistreated population. Such an occurrence can be explained by the notion that minority officers’ views are often similar to those of white POs (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023). Accordingly, there are several cases of PS exhibiting racism, which indicates the need for change.
Excessive Force
PS in the U.S. should be modified since POs often misuse their power. The prevalence of incidents involving excessive use of force can be observed based on the events in which POs kill civilians. For instance, Brewster (2023) suggests that while violent crime is decreasing, deaths by the hands of POs remain consistent, with POs having slain approximately a thousand individuals annually from 2016 to 2020.
POs’ abuse of power is likely to be due to the militarization of police. The concept refers to the police basing its operations on the tenets of military practice. In such situations, POs may adopt a “warrior mindset” and assume their job is to kill (Ford, 2022, p. 16). There has been a debate about the U.S. police undergoing militarization. It seems that the discussion commenced in 2016 when the Dallas police employed a bomb robot to kill a man who shot POs during nationwide protests against police brutality (Ford, 2022). Consequently, PS should be altered due to the POs’ abuse of their force for several years.
The problems of power misuse and the militarization of PS in the U.S. can be further explored by examining policing practices in the United Kingdom (U.K.). Ford (2022) argues that both the U.S. and the U.K. rely on the English-style police model (ESPM), which originated in 19th-century London with the London Metropolitan Police. U.K. policing is likely still using ESPM today, since the approach originated there.
ESPM emphasizes the importance of distinguishing between police and military roles. The goals of the former are civilian protection, crime discovery and prevention, and peace maintenance, whereas the objectives of the latter are preparing for waging war and killing enemies. Nevertheless, not all countries follow ESPM, and, as mentioned above, the U.S. appears to be moving away from the model (Ford, 2022). Therefore, PS in the U.S. should be reformed to maintain the distinction between the military and police, as in the U.K., and to reduce excessive force.
Accountability
One more reason to modify the U.S. PS is the lack of accountability for POs. Statistics against POs involving misconduct can be observed based on, for instance, the above-noted incidence of killings by POs. Out of all deaths caused by POs excessively using their power, about 1% resulted in criminal charges and 0.1% ended in conviction (Brewster, 2023).
Another illustration of POs not being held responsible for their wrongdoing is the case of George Floyd, discussed earlier. Derek Chauvin, the PO who murdered Floyd, was sentenced to twenty-two and a half years (Brewster, 2023). However, Chauvin had eighteen recorded complaints about his misconduct by the time of the killing, while his partner had six, and the two other involved POs were trained by Chauvin (Kramer & Remster, 2022).
An explanation behind POs not being disciplined for their misbehavior is the immunity that shields them from accountability. When accused of wrongdoing, POs can invoke the doctrine of qualified immunity, which protects law enforcement officers in the performance of their duties (Brewster, 2023). Accordingly, PS in the U.S. needs to be changed to hold POs liable for abusing their power and preventing police brutality.
To increase PO accountability, PS should comprehensively utilize civilian oversight boards (COBs) and body cameras (BCs). COBs can be used to collect recordings and analyze data on POs’ misconduct, and to inform influential decisions by determining, for example, whether a PO has a single incident or a repeated pattern of misbehavior (Brewster, 2023). BCs can enhance interactions between POs and civilians by ensuring both parties know they are being recorded, which can help quickly and accurately investigate complaints about POs’ misdemeanors (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023).
Nonetheless, considerable reform is needed to ensure that COBs and BCs are effective. For instance, there has been substantial criticism regarding BCs’ usefulness (Brewster, 2023; Kramer & Remster, 2022). However, BCs are often impractical because they can be turned off whenever POs wish, rendering the devices useless and the recordings inadequate (Brewster, 2023). Consequently, BCs and COBs can increase POs’ accountability, but need a change in PS to utilize the methods properly.
Opposing Views
Several shifts can be implemented to enhance the U.S. PS, such as defunding and community policing (CP), although opposition to these changes is likely to provoke considerable objections. For example, some may say that defunding the police may lead to increased crime since raises in the police budget have shown declines in violent and property offenses (Kramer & Remster, 2022). Moreover, people may argue that limiting PS’s finances could reduce officer safety.
For instance, the police may not be able to afford the BCs needed to protect POs from dishonest complaints and aggressive civilians (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023; Kramer & Remster, 2022). Some may also state that community policing is not the answer since CP cannot reshape PS. For example, CP may divide communities into supposedly good and bad groups, with POs being permitted to be aggressive toward the latter (Kramer & Remster, 2022). Accordingly, there is likely to be substantial opposition to changing PS.
Possible Solutions
Several answers can be offered to the above-discussed potential criticism of transforming PS. For instance, one can refute concerns about increased crime rates as a result of police defunding by noting that people, including POs, often misunderstand the idea. Reducing police budgets is not meant to limit law enforcement but rather to allocate resources to non-policing institutions that can reduce crime. Such organizations include educational facilities, social services, healthcare, and housing firms (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023). Defunding can also contribute to sustainable strategies that improve officer safety.
For example, distributing funds to diverse entities can prevent unnecessary police intervention in situations that may require force but can be handled peacefully by other experts, such as mental health professionals (Alaniz-Salas et al., 2023). Finally, there is evidence of the positive impact of the community policing approach. CP can reduce conflict between civilians and POs by requiring POs to spend more time with diverse communities, thereby breaking stereotypes and addressing the lack of trust between the parties (Bennell et al., 2021). Accordingly, although there are concerns about potential changes in PS, there is evidence of the solutions’ usefulness.
Conclusion
To summarize, the contemporary PS in the U.S. can be characterized by signs of racism, excessive force, and a lack of accountability, thus indicating the need for substantial change. There is systemic racism in law enforcement operations, with POs targeting the representatives of certain races more than those of others. POs are also likely to abuse their powers due to adopting military principles and viewing civilians as enemies. Moreover, POs rarely face consequences for incidents in which they do not behave as they are meant to, often even killing people.
Therefore, the need for reform in the U.S. PS is obvious, as current practices have proven detrimental. Some shifts can improve PS, but implementing the changes will likely face opposition despite evidence of their potential effectiveness. Transforming PS is challenging and will require learning from past mistakes, but it is necessary to ensure that the whole nation is protected rather than harmed by the police.
Annotated Bibliography
Alaniz-Salas, H., Dodson, K. D., & Luo, F. (2023). Transforming research into practice: Holding police accountable by examining officer’s attitudes regarding body worn cameras (BWCs) in a border community. Journal of Crime and Criminal Behavior, 3(1), 81-99.
The article explores the usage of body-worn cameras by police officers (POs) in a border community, with a focus on how POs conduct their operations. The paper can be useful for the argumentative research paper (ARP) because it explains how POs can be held accountable for their misbehavior and how POs demonstrate racism. For example, Alaniz-Salas et al. (2023) note how body cameras can protect both POs and community members by facilitating communication and building trust between the two parties. The source is considered credible due to being published recently by a reputable journal and is scholarly, with the authors working for higher education institutions, having conducted a thorough study, and referencing substantial literature.
Bennell, C., Alpert, G., Andersen, J. P., Arpaia, J., Huhta, J. M., Kahn, K. B., Khanizadeh, A., McCarthy, M., McLean, K., Mitchell, R. J., Nieuwenchuys, A., Palmer, A., & White, M. D. (2021). Advancing police use of force research and practice: Urgent issues and prospects. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 26(2), 121-144.
The paper examines different themes associated with the use of force by the police. The article offers valuable suggestions on the topic of law enforcement practices, with applicable remarks regarding community policing that can be incorporated into ARP. For instance, Bennell et al. (2021) mention that the approach is beneficial in overcoming stereotypes between civilians and POs. The source was published by an academic journal within the last five years, indicating that the presented information is suitable for exploration. The authors are associated with diverse universities, have consulted police practitioners and scholars, and have supported their discussion with considerable references. Therefore, the report appears suitable to be employed for ARP.
Brewster, M. G. (2023). Policing the police: Establishing the right to record and civilian oversight boards to oversee America’s police. Brooklyn Law Review, 88(3), 993-1037.
The article explains the significance of civilians being able to record POs on duty and the practicality of the recordings in addressing POs’ misconduct. The report can be utilized to explain the importance of civilian oversight boards, the lack of accountability of POs, and some details about the use of excessive force. For example, Brewster (2023) offers some statistics on POs rarely being charged for killing people while performing their duties. While written by a single author, the source seems scholarly and credible due to being a recent publication in a reputable journal and having credible references to academic and legal literature. Therefore, the paper seems appropriate and relevant to ARP’s topic.
Ford, S. B. (2022). Restraining police use of lethal force and the moral problem of militarization. Criminal Justice Ethics, 41(1), 1-20.
The report discusses the usage of lethal force by the police alongside the concept of militarization, with a focus on ethical aspects of the matter. The article can be practical for understanding how POs may misuse their power and why they might do so. For instance, Ford (2022) suggests that POs may kill civilians due to adopting the principles practiced in the army. The source appears suitable for ARP since it offers recent information on excessive force, was written by an academic expert, published by an appropriate journal, and is supported by findings from other scholars’ works.
Kramer, R., & Remster, B. (2022). The slow violence of contemporary policing. Annual Review of Criminology, 5, 43-66.
The article analyzes the operations of contemporary police based on the concept of slow violence. The paper can be useful due to concerning several matters, such as racial disparities in policing, misbehavior of POs, community policing, and police brutality. For example, Kramer and Remster (2022) discuss how POs tend to focus on the black population, viewing its members as more suspicious and potentially more violent than white people. The report appears credible and academic due to presenting recent findings gathered by authors affiliated with a higher education facility. The article was also published by a scholarly journal and is based on considerable literature. Therefore, the paper seems relevant to be utilized in ARP about the policing system.