Introduction
Foreign policy is essential to the government as it allows it to establish the right relationship with all other countries. At the same time, it should be as surplus as possible for the country and ensure reliable cooperation. In many ways, this policy is determined by the country’s leader, who acts as the main person in communication with the leaders of other countries and makes announcements about various directions. However, this statement is truer for authoritarian or totalitarian countries. In this context, a suitable example would be Putin’s foreign policy, which was designed based on an irrational assessment of the situation.
Geopolitical Context and Putin’s Influence on Foreign Policy
Russia geographically occupies a large area and is a neighbor of many countries, which necessitates the development of many strategies for international communication. Foreign affairs agencies in Russia report directly to the president, as their policies reflect the current realities of what Putin is saying publicly (Lewis, 2020, p. 142). His thoughts are largely translated into international politics since, in the past, he served in the KGB special service of the USSR, and those times are special for him (Widacki, 2022, p. 345).
Subsequently, when Putin became president, his thoughts were primarily focused on restoring the disintegrated country by uniting all the countries that were part of it. This is also explained by the frequent reminiscences of the past in Putin’s speeches, which significantly distort historical facts (Lewis, 2020, p. 146). Thus, the dictator is trying to convince the population of the need for his plans and the need for various actions.
The Invasion of Ukraine and the Narrative of External Enemies
Putin’s thoughts on the Soviet Union largely determined events and important decisions regarding other countries. On February 24, 2022, he launched a military invasion of the neighboring country of Ukraine (Mojzes, 2022, p. 5). This happened after several years, during which this country has been moving in the opposite direction from the desires of Putin, who would like to make it part of Russia.
This is important for him since Ukraine is located in a strategically advantageous geographical location in the center of Europe (Rezvani, 2020, p. 886). Thus, the constant domestic policy of Russia regarding the creation of an external enemy, such as the Western world, is aimed at creating negative sentiments towards all Western countries in the minds of the population (Sakwa, 2021, p. 334). In this context, it was extremely easy for Putin to justify starting a war and destroying the military potential of a neighboring country.
Strategic Relations with China: Partnership or Imbalance?
An important aspect that determines the country’s foreign policy is how the country’s leaders build friendly relations with other states. In this regard, Putin’s thoughts are directed at the fact that China can be an important strategic partner for his country. This country is united by the past communist development that ended in Russia but continues in China in a hybrid mode (Bekkevold, 2022, p. 3).
In addition, Putin sees China as an ally, as the countries’ governments are similar, with extensive censorship and suppression of the opposition. However, the Central Secretary of the Communist Party of China, Xi Jinping, the leader of the country, pursues goals that can benefit his country in the first place (Bekkevold, 2022, p. 3). This leads to the fact that the strategy of rapprochement with China is becoming more profitable for this country and brings losses to Russia.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is important to say that the thoughts of the country’s leaders are important to understand the international orientation of the country’s relations. However, this is useful in cases where the head of state can correctly assess their country’s international position. Otherwise, the actions that the leader considers correct can lead to negative consequences, which, as a result, will have a detrimental effect on the economy and the country’s overall development.
Reference List
Bekkevold, J. I. (2022). ‘Imperialist Master, Comrade in Arms, Foe, Partner, and Now Ally? China’s Changing Views of Russia.’ Russia-China Relations, 41. Web.
Lewis, D. G. (2020). Russia’s new authoritarianism: Putin and the politics of order. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Mojzes, P. (2022). ‘Putin’s Invasion of Ukraine and Disintegration of States.’ Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe, 42(2), pp. 5-9. Web.
Rezvani, B. (2020). ‘Russian foreign policy and geopolitics in the Post-Soviet space and the Middle East: Tajikistan, Georgia, Ukraine and Syria.’ Middle Eastern Studies, 56(6), pp. 878-899. Web.
Sakwa, R. (2021). ‘Greater Russia: Is Moscow out to subvert the West?’ International Politics, 58(3), pp. 334-362. Web.
Widacki, M. (2022). ‘Polygraph examinations in Russia.’ Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego, 14(27), pp. 329-351. Web.