Australia’s Foreign Policy Toward China

Introduction

The vast spectrum of community services provided by organizations across Australia is referred to as a civil society. According to Fitzgerald (2022), challenges in Australia-China relations were principally driven by Australian civil society advocacy for liberty and rights, culminating in Chinese espionage exposure. As a result of the China Panic, authorities were made aware of the PRC’s actions in Australia. As Australia’s relationship with China has deteriorated, so has the popular perception of China. Australians have largely considered China’s economic expansion a disadvantage amid long-standing concerns about China’s human rights violations and military capabilities (Lowy Institute, n.d; Chubb and Ian 2022). Therefore, most Australian citizens view the state as effective, accountable, and fair in terms of legitimacy against China after countermeasures against surveillance were implemented.

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Beijing’s rising influence in domestic politics instills intolerance before elections. The ruling conservatives, for example, have urged more significant military measures against China. The left argue that China is a crucial business ally and a rising power to be welcomed (Culpan 2022). Nevertheless, both parties now support raising Australia’s defense budget and taking steps to safeguard Australia’s democracy (Whiteman 2022). Thus, Australia’s foreign policy and international relations with China have significantly deteriorated due to domestic issues and continue to develop only due to the economic advantages of the partnership.

Australia is a member of the Indo-Pacific area, which impacts national security against China. Beijing, for example, has tactical nuclear missiles that can attack most of the Indo-Pacific, some of which are traditionally armed varieties capable of reaching Australia’s north (Dibb 2021). Moreover, the geographic location of Australia makes it dependent on trade in the South Pacific. At the same time, China threatens to disturb the country’s economic development in this region (Pryke 2022). Finally, the closeness of Australia to Taiwan and other strategic aims of China results in a possible threat to political stability. Australia is considered part of the West despite its geographical separation from the United States and Europe. Australia borders the Pacific and Indian Oceans and Southeast Asia, making it a commercial partner of China. However, Australia relies heavily on the United States for military security in the Pacific area, making it more affiliated with the West than with China (Köllner 2019). To fight China’s economic growth in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and the surrounding islands to Australia, the country has to propose such economic resources as Internet cable linking, financial investment, and educational services (Köllner, n.d.). Moreover, Australia’s most important natural resource for import includes coal.

The International Relation with China and the West

Realism is a school of ideas in international relations that emphasizes the competitiveness and confrontational aspects of international relations, which could be applied to Australia. The first realistic premise is that the nation-state is the primary player in international affairs (Antunes and CamisĂŁo 2018). Other entities exist, such as persons and organizations, but their influence is restricted. Second, the state is a solitary actor, which implies that national interests, particularly during times of conflict, compel the Government to speak and act in unison. Third, decision-makers are rational agents because rational decision-making contributes to the achievement of the national interest. As a result, adopting acts that might weaken or expose a state would be irrational. Realism implies that all leaders, regardless of political affiliation, recognize this as they seek to manage their state’s affairs in order to thrive in fierce competition. Finally, nations exist in a lawless environment where no one is in authority worldwide. Because there is no defined hierarchy, there is no reasonable expectation of anybody or anything doing something on a global scale. As a result, governments can only depend on themselves in conclusion.

The suggestions for the realism paradigm imply several arguments about how Australia could balance China’s and the West’s influence and power based on the described phenomena in domestic affairs. Namely, Austria’s foreign policy should be defined by its economic and political interests in the neighboring third-world countries (Firth 2021). According to the Australian Government (n.d.), “Australia’s top ten trading partners in 2018-19 in order were China, Japan, the United States, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, India, Malaysia and Thailand” (para. 16). Moreover, it is stated that China takes fourth part of the Australian import. The Asian countries affiliated with the West (Japan, New Zealand, India, and others) remain the most significant part of Australian trade. Hence, in the case of an emergency and polarization of global relations between China and the West, Australia should continue its trade with the West and affiliated parties. Realism states that the country should be independent in this matter, although it is impossible due to economic agreements (Ferrantino, Maliszewska, and Taran 2019). The other implication of the theory is that Australia must raise its defensive military power.

Foreign investment is primarily welcomed in Australia and is usually seen as essential to the country’s economic development and productivity. The United States is, by far, Australia’s most significant source of foreign direct investment (Austrade, n.d.). The U.S. investment policy does not prohibit partnerships with China (United States Department of State, n.d.). Nevertheless, the businesses owned by the U.S. are not necessarily bound to Australia’s national interest (Commonwealth of Australia 2021). Hence, they can compete or even lobby against the Australian foreign policy toward China. However, many measures introduced to increase scrutiny of foreign acquisitions by China have also harmed incoming investment by the U.S. (The United States Studies Centre, n.d.). Therefore, the Australian commitment to preserving its U.S. investors may determine the relations with China.

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The global geopolitics and foreign policy issues are critical concerning China-Australia over the Solomon Islands. In August, an agreement between China and the Solomon Islands to erect telecommunications towers alarmed Washington and Canberra since there was a concern about China’s hegemony in the economy and technology in the Pacific region (Jennings 2022). Moreover, the halt of ship visits by the Solomon Islands comes amid an increased struggle for military and economic dominance in the South Pacific. Hence, China installs allies in the Pacific and Australia’s domestic government to influence its policy into a pro-Chinese one.

Case Study: Solomon Islands

China-Australia’s foreign policy over Solomon Islands deserves specific attention in the paper’s central question. Last year, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia agreed on a significant defense treaty to boost Western allies’ involvement in the Indo-Pacific. In March, the Solomon Islands revealed that it is developing a security agreement with China, which has alarmed neighboring Australia and other NATO powers in the Indo-Pacific (Mao 2022). Later, The Solomon Islands prime minister condemned Australia for duplicity over his country’s security agreement with China, claiming that the agreement was far from transparent (Hurst 2022). Australia’s foreign minister criticized the secrecy underlying the Solomons security pact with China. Australia has acted fast to convince the Pacific about its continued commitment to nuclear non-proliferation duties.

In the run-up to Australia’s elections, politicians have made national security a top priority. Establishing a new Chinese base north of Australia has pushed Canberra to devote more intelligence resources to an area that has historically been overlooked as a potential security issue (Yang and Detsch 2022). Last year, Australia invested more than a billion dollars in the Solomon Islands’ defense, health, logistics, and telecommunications (Neubauer 2022). Hence, Canberra may have applied economic sanctions in order to put pressure on the Solomon Islands. Instead, Australia increased its generosity by providing a second naval vessel and station (Neubauer 2022). However, Australia is losing power in the present government since Australian funding is transparent, whereas Chinese money goes straight into their hands. Hence, the foreign relations politicians in Australia have suggested that rather than portraying this treaty as another Chinese threat, Australia may explore partnering with China to address the Solomons’ security requirements.

The security deal between the Solomon Islands and China remained a big election topic in Australia. For the first time since signing a security agreement with China, the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands met with colleagues from Australia and New Zealand in July (Needham 2022). Later, the Prime Minister stated unequivocally that a Chinese military facility would never be established in the Islands, claiming that any such agreement with Beijing would jeopardize regional security. He also stated that Australia is the Solomon Islands’ preferred security partner (Movono 2022). Hence, it can be argued that Australia’s diplomatic or economic foreign policies might have influenced the situation. Nevertheless, later, a Chinese state-owned corporation is negotiating the purchase of a forestry plantation in the Solomon Islands with a deep-water port (Mcguirk 2022). As a result, the recurring fears that China wishes to build a naval presence in the South Pacific country have not been dispelled.

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Conclusion

There are several conclusions regarding the impact of Australia’s domestic context on China and Australia’s geopolitics and foreign policy toward China on the Solomon Islands and the surrounding islands. Namely, Australia’s civil societies and public opinion regard China as a threat to national security. The opinions are divided concerning China’s economic impact; some politicians view the country as a strategical trading partner, while others believe it to be a competitor. As a result, the election parties are polarized in terms of foreign policy toward China, with suggestions of increased surveillance and defense, as well as further economic collaboration on the other side.

The geopolitical involvement of Australia in the West-China confrontation similarly impacts the international relation with China. Australia is primarily affiliated with the West, specifically the U.S., military power. Moreover, the Australian import goes to the neighboring region and Western allies. Hence, Australia upholds its alliance and follows the Western policy-makers regarding China. Moreover, the recent security threat in the Solomon Islands has increased the Australian focus on its military preparation and worsened the diplomatic relationship with China. Therefore, it could be claimed that the Australian foreign policy will continue to confront the Chinese military and economic presence in the neighboring regions due to the advantages of a partnership with the West.

References

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. 2021. “Fear and Greed: Australian Public Opinion towards China’s Rise.” Australian Journal of Politics & History 67, no. 3-4: 439–53. Web.

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Movono, Lice. 2022. “Solomon Islands PM Rules out China Military Base and Says Australia Is ‘Security Partner of Choice’.” The Guardian. Web.

Needham, Kirsty. 2022. “Solomon Islands PM Meets Australian, NZ Leaders over China Pact.” Reuters. Thomson Reuters. Web.

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Yang, Mary, and Jack Detsch. 2022. “Australia’s Got a Solomon Islands Headache (Again).” Foreign Policy. Web.

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DemoEssays. (2024, March 20). Australia's Foreign Policy Toward China. https://demoessays.com/australias-foreign-policy-toward-china/

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"Australia's Foreign Policy Toward China." DemoEssays, 20 Mar. 2024, demoessays.com/australias-foreign-policy-toward-china/.

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DemoEssays. (2024) 'Australia's Foreign Policy Toward China'. 20 March.

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DemoEssays. 2024. "Australia's Foreign Policy Toward China." March 20, 2024. https://demoessays.com/australias-foreign-policy-toward-china/.

1. DemoEssays. "Australia's Foreign Policy Toward China." March 20, 2024. https://demoessays.com/australias-foreign-policy-toward-china/.


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DemoEssays. "Australia's Foreign Policy Toward China." March 20, 2024. https://demoessays.com/australias-foreign-policy-toward-china/.